"He also said Mexico should have oral, public trials of major organized crime figures rather than having trials consist of written testimony read by a judge behind closed doors.
Doing things in private breeds corruption, he said."
Yes, it does.This blog is a collection of what goes through the mind of a father, a husband, a son, a friend, a lawyer (not your lawyer), and a storyteller, all competing for attention in my head. The golden rule applies here.
Doing things in private breeds corruption, he said."
Yes, it does.We believe to have 'fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness' for the sake of political expediency, or any other reason for that matter, is to offend a holy God, from whom the blessings bestowed upon this country flow.... For that reason, sir, the Grand Prairie Republican Club holds strong to our Christian heritage and will take no part in knowingly excepting [sic] or promoting any immorality (by attending or promoting your organization) that may hasten the death of the American Government.Right. God will allow torture, murder, wars based on spurious intelligence, and the usurpation of the Constitution and Bill of Rights. But damnit, you'd better not let them gays be a part of this country!
Former Bush administration officials do themselves no good when they simultaneously argue that their actions were lawful and necessary—and saved our lives many times over—and that they should also be excused because they were terrified. Stephen Bradbury, then acting head of OLC tells us that the appalling work in the newly declassified memos should be filtered through the prism of temporary insanity: "It is important to understand the context of the [2001] Memorandum," Bradbury wrote, in a memo to the file. "It was the product of an extraordinary—indeed, we hope, a unique—period in the history of the Nation: the immediate aftermath of the attacks of 9/11."It's important to see just what was authorized and ordered. The most plausible reasons for the reluctance of the Obama administration to make inquiries and release findings on this are: 1. there are too many pressing issues that need to be taken care of. That's true. The previous administration did more grave damage to our country than any administration in the past 120 years. But that doesn't mean he can't take a strong position in favor of transparency, not just in the present but in the past. This works its way directly to the alternative explanation - that President Obama wants to continue with the same shroud of secrecy and privilege that President Bush created. I hope this isn't the case, as this would clearly demonstrate that our country isn't where it was 9 years ago, and in that instance, the Terrorists will have won.
Of course, the use of the phrase “witch hunt” today implies a hunt in pursuit of something that does not exist, while we are fairly certain that there were criminals in the outgoing administration who have thus far escaped the appropriate sanctions of the law. The best argument that witnesses testifying against the idea of forming a commission seem to have had is that the abuses of power and crimes in question are not as numerous as they were under Pinochet and apartheid. Now that’s a claim to moral authority.
First, “the purpose of Congress is the ultimate touchstone in everypre-emption case.” Medtronic, Inc. v. Lohr, 518 U. S. 470, 485 (1996) (internal quotation marks omitted); see Retail Clerks v. Schermerhorn, 375 U. S. 96, 103 (1963). Second, “[i]n all pre-emption cases, and particularly in those inwhich Congress has ‘legislated . . . in a field which the States have traditionally occupied,’ . . . we ‘start with the assumption that the historic police powers of the States were not to be superseded by the Federal Act unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.’” Lohr, 518 U. S., at 485 (quoting Rice v. Santa Fe Elevator Corp., 331 U. S. 218, 230 (1947)).In other words, the presumption is that the States traditionally have the power unless it clearly states in the Federal Act that Congress intended the States' rights to be pre-empted. Wyeth argued (and this is somewhat rich) that this presumption doesn't apply here because the Federal Government has regulated drug labeling for over a century. That doesn't touch on whether the label was adequate, and clearly doesn't touch on whether remedies were available to Wyeth. Moreover, it ignores the fact that the presumption exists out of respect for State Sovereignty. The dissenters, those Strict Constructionist ardent fans of stare decisis they are, adopt a position strikingly opposite that of precedent, and argue that when the claim is one of an implied conflict pre-emption, the presumption against the pre-emption should not apply. This is would be akin to saying that there should be times that strict scrutiny should be presumed to be pre-empted, hypothetically, a law that prohibits people who are registered Libertarians from voting (a fundamental right). In a word, that's absurd.